In recent years Macedonia has
undergone a very subtle, yet dreadfully pervasive deterioration of the
situation with women's rights. Mainly unnoticed or overlooked, the government
latched on the popular, deeply misogynist sentiment of the suffering mother (a
metaphor often used for the country itself) and after the initial surge of
promise with the introduction of the gender quotas in 2006 and the adoption of
the Law on Equal Opportunities for Women and Men, which paired with the history
of equal treatment from the previous system led to even higher percentages in
female representation in certain areas compared to the EU average[1], things
started moving downwards steadily, without sufficient public resistance.
It can arguably be claimed that the
ploy began with the anti-abortion posters and newspaper ads which started
littering the public space out of nowhere circa 2006-2007 without anyone
claiming responsibility for them. The ads depicted graphic images of babies, fetuses in-utero and aborted
fetuses making use of the age-long tactic of instilling and heightening the
feeling of guilt in women faced with abortion. The condemnation and the several
guerilla actions organized by NGOs and informal groups aimed at neutralizing
the negative influence of these actions did not manage to eradicate the
propaganda which later progressed into different forms, such as the launch of
the website Say No to Abortion or the
Government's campaign aimed at raising awareness about the harmful consequences
of abortion. Little did we know or suspect at the time that exactly those
materials served as introduction to the additional restrictions on the Law on
Abortion adopted in the summer of 2013.
This went hand in hand with the
start of the Government's
campaign for an increase in the birth rate in 2008 consisting of programs
for increased government financial support for a third and a fourth child in a family - a measure which
was planned to be offered solely in those regions with lower birth-rates that
"accidentally" turned out to be regions populated predominantly with
ethnic Macedonians, which is the reason why it was overturned by the
Constitutional Court and hence started to apply everywhere in the country. The
TV advertisements from this campaign, which runs to date, heavily rely on the
traditional patriarchal male and female roles featuring a young unemployed
couple in which the woman convinces the seemingly uninterested man to keep the
baby because "it is going to be a boy, and he will have your eyes",
and, even more prominently, older men, alpha-males, self-assuredly telling the
story of their lives against background footage presenting them as wealthy gentlemen
and authoritatively claiming that "family is the greatest treasure".
One of the ads goes as far as congratulating a father in a hospital for the "murder
of a healthy child", which, due to the fierce reaction of the civil
society and the public, was censored and at present the full version is only
aired at night. The campaign was also boosted
with the broadcasting of a TV show, "It's Time for a Baby", on the
publicly-funded broadcasting service, often featuring lower-class, prematurely
aged women and men, nearly socially-deprived, who claim that having lots of kids
is always a good idea and that they may not have jobs, but they are happy with
their children, although in reality most of them resort to having three or four
children simply in order to qualify for the financial assistance because they
rarely have access to any other means of survival.
This anti-female discourse has traditionally
found a great supporter in the Macedonian Orthodox Church. Thus, while giving a
statement for a national television on the occasion of the Easter Holidays, the
Metropolitan Petar from the Bitola Diocese reiterated the stance that abortion
is absolutely unacceptable to the Church, blamed women for the high rate of
divorce, and also added that women are the ones to either save or destroy the
country, proceeding to quote one of Saint
Paul's biblical misogynist quotes. The fierce public reaction by the feminist
and women's rights organizations prompted an explanation on the part of the
Metropolitan in which he, naturally, further elaborated on the traditional role
of the woman as a child-bearer and home-maker who must be subservient to the
man, yet somehow, paradoxically, has even greater rights then he does.
What went parallel with all these
transgressions was a consistent exercise of the "traditional female
obedience" portrayed and explicitly encouraged in all the areas of public
life, starting from the female politicians from the ruling party pleading
"submissiveness" to the Prime Minister; the increased aspect of the
"family comes first" and "how to balance a career and family"
in the rhetoric concerning prominent businesswomen; the systematically ignored
situation with the seamstresses who
are the main breadwinners in some of the eastern parts of the country, yet work
in substandard conditions for less than minimum wages and are constantly
subject to molestation and harassment; the media, which in the race for
increased sales and hits, have resorted to even more blatant sexism and unashamed
objectification and exploitation of the female body; slut-shaming on the social
media and in the media (the most popular hashtags on twitter usually ridicule,
or condemn "excessive" female sexuality or promiscuity - slut is one
of the most frequent trending topics, while newspaper articles, often muse over
the "immorality" of the new generation of young girls who offer
sexual services for a simple smart phone, or a dinner out a few drinks). Women are shamed for dressing provocatively, for asking for free access to means of contraception or for getting involved in non-committing sexual intercourse.
Even the Prime Minister himself
felt the urge to address the issue in 2012 on VMRO's Day, urging women to have
more children in order to "save the nation", qualifying the fight
against low representation of women in business and politics as "...some
sort of women's rights... men's rights..." - a part of his speech which
was not translated in the English version of the address on the official
web-portal of the PM.
All of this fit very well with
the traditional, patriarchal idea of the "role of a woman" within the
Balkan societies and gradually led to the culmination in 2013 when the new
restrictions to the law on abortion were published and then expressly adopted
without sufficient public debate during the summer holidays in order to avoid a
fiercer reaction from the public. The restrictions introduced a mandatory written
request for abortion, consultative sessions about the possible advantages of the
proceeding with the pregnancy, and a waiting period of three working days
before the actual intervention is performed. Among the consequences of the
measures could be a delay in the procedure, possibly leading to the expiry of
the legal deadline for abortion which is 10 gestational weeks, as well as the
additional burden on the socially and economically most disadvantaged women,
especially those not living in the few towns where the clinical centers
offering termination of pregnancies are located, as well as them being exposed
to additional travel expenses. The law also stipulated that the woman's partner
had to be informed about the termination of the pregnancy - a provision which
was severely opposed by the public and the civil sector in the country and
consequently withdrawn.
The NGOs and informal organizations dealing with
women's rights united in a single civil front called Matka - a
platform for free access to safe abortion that organized events and published a
newspaper
and videos to raise awareness
about the consequences of the law. Unfortunately, they were not able to stop it from being adopted. What's worse, the bylaws dealing wit h urgent
procedures and atypical cases have not yet been passed, thus putting a strain
on the lives of women who are in need of urgent procedures due to intrauterine
death or anomalous
fetuses. The only bylaws that have been adopted are those concerning the
counseling sessions stipulating that prior to an abortion, a woman is bound to
listen to the fetus's
heartbeat and have a mandatory ultrasound screening.
At present, the many
transgressions against the fundamental human rights of women that triggered gradual, but ever-increasing
articulation of anger, have finally resulted in the establishing of the Gender
Equality Platform in December 2014, uniting NGOs and informal feminist and leftist
organizations. The Gender Equality Platform has already managed to thwart the
attempt of the Health Insurance Fund to shift the responsibility for payment of
the maternity allowance to the employers (money that the Fund planned to later compensate
for). This by no means marks an end of the struggle, and the prospects are
definitely not very bright; however, the recent student protests and social
unrest in Macedonia leave space for hope that, if they occur, the long-awaited
changes would finally take into consideration the specific situation of women
in society and on the labour market.
Published in http://www.bilten.org/?p=4932
photo: Vancho Dzambaski
photo: Vancho Dzambaski
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Мојата приказна е веројатно типична, но најдов решение за решавање на мојата врска криза. Мојот сопруг падна во афера со друга жена на работа и ме остави.
ReplyDeleteЈас ја добив програмата за каење на брак со духовен отец, ментор и исцелител. неколку дена по ручекот на правописот,
Тој можеше да го врати мојот сопруг до мене, тоа беше изненадување за мене, дури не можам да објаснам како сето тоа се случи,
тоа функционира како што ми вети.
Мојот сопруг беше првобитната, но мојот сопруг Андерсон се враќаше дома за да се извини и побара од мојата прошка, денес сме посреќни од кога и да е порано, работите стануваат сè подобра, интересна и слатка.
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